Cambodia is a country that has rarely been without significant armed conflict and upheaval since the 15th century [1]. As noted by LICHARDO “This includes the very recent history of three decades of civil war and political and economic upheaval which has had a major impact on the lives, status and roles of both women and men within the household as well as society as a whole. Significant and widespread loss of human life during the Khmer Rouge regime seriously eroded the material, cultural and emotional foundations of both families and communities. There are now fewer support systems that exist in traditional extended families or in the community, to help poor families or those with problems”[2]
According to social researchers O'Leary and Nee[3] (2001), the resilience and tenacity of Cambodian people and their ability to cope with such a traumatic history must be understood alongside the long term effects of periods of prolonged trauma. The researchers believe that ‘survivor behaviours’ that people developed to cope with periods of prolonged trauma may be difficult to unlearn, even since the situation has become more stable. They also suggest that certain aspects of the traditional Cambodian social order such as hierarchy and patronage feed into and exacerbate the effects of trauma and authoritarianism. The list of general characteristics cited by O'Leary and Nee below provide a broad picture of the psycho-social context for Peace Bridge’s work in Cambodia. This is not to suggest that all people suffer these problems, but more to understand that these are strong patterns of behaviour and attitude that strongly impact the way conflict is managed in many contexts.
a) Disconnection - Harmer[4] (1995) states that traumatic events call into question basic human relationships. They breach the attachments of family, friendship, love and community. They shatter the construction of self that is formed and sustained in relations to others. One manifestation of trauma is pervasive fear and distrust.
b) Passivity - In Cambodia a lack of trust between ordinary people and people in authority is evident in the way in which many people avoid challenging their superiors when there is no guarantee for their safety. Oppression, fear and trauma are believed to be key to this problem.
c) Initiative - Herman[5] (1992) describes how the field of initiative is increasingly narrowed in contexts of authoritarian rule, where a primary strategy is to exercise control over all aspects of people's lives - socially, economically and politically. People are vulnerable and believe they are powerless. This leads to a lack of confidence to take control of their situation for fear of being wrong and discourages people from taking initiative.
d) Responsibility - Excessive military control and authoritarian structures frequently encourage people not to look beyond themselves and develop an attitude of ignoring anything that is beyond ones own life. This is reflected in the Cambodian saying, Kbal no na sock neak nung, meaning to take care of your own head.
e) Subservience - To express views which may challenge someone in authority is discouraged from childhood, in the school system and by the experience of violence in adulthood. This attitude is exacerbated by a sense of being oppressed and controlled.
f) Suppression and repression of memories. Many Cambodians appear to suppress memories of traumatic experiences in an attempt to forget their past. People find it difficult and painful to talk of their experiences, even to their children.
g) Protection - Widespread violence, social injustice, and desperate poverty are primary factors that continue to strengthen a system of patronage in Cambodia.
Perhaps a base line survey on family life conducted by the Ministry of Women's Affairs best exemplifies the breadth and depth of poor conflict management approaches. "One third of the sample believed even the most extreme violence, such as burning, choking and acid throwing practices were acceptable. Respondents not only believed that most causes (going out without telling one’s spouse, food being late or not well prepared, children being neglected) justified yelling, cursing, and insulting, they also considered causes such as arguing, not showing respect, and raising questions about spending money, girlfriends, or sex workers as justification for severe abuse and murder”[6]
It would be inappropriate not to mention some of the rich cultural resources with the potential to support the effective management of conflict in Cambodia. These include:
- Psychological and social resources within religious traditions, such as meditation practices in Buddhism with great potential to help people process thoughts and feelings.
- Spiritual practices and traditions able to form values of compassion, concern for justice and letting go of anger.
- Conflict responses that focus on avoidance and accommodation which in some situations ensure issues are appropriately processed internally prior to externally processing with others.
- Concern to save face and show respect for those older or in positions of authority that lead to a strong awareness of the impact of another’s response.
- Concern for the collective over the individual.
Yet these and other resources can be applied in healthy or unhealthy ways:
- When building on attitudes of passivity there can be a tendency to overuse accommodation and avoidance responses to conflict. This can often lead to passive-aggressive behaviour that serves to suggest dissatisfaction but doesn’t address the problematic issue directly.
- Concern for face saving can lead to a failure to build awareness of mistakes or to deal with important issues underlying a conflict.
- Certain traditions of spiritual practices, both Buddhist and Christian can lead to everyone respecting the social hierarchy and keeping her or his place in it, even in situations of significant injustice.
- When patronage and suppression of memories is linked with respect for positions of authority, it can lead people to over-rely on advice giving, a failure to demonstrate empathy (replaced with pity) and a lack of real listening.
NOTES:
[1] The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU.com) very recently rated Cambodia with a very high risk of social instability (fourth out of 165 countries) due to economic challenges, underpinned by other social factors such as unemployment, inequality and lack of trust in institutions.
[2] Lim, Jo-Ann (2006). Violence Against Women in Cambodia: 2005. Phnom Penh, Cambodia: LICADHO. Available online at: http://www.licadho.org/reports.php?perm=105
[3] See Learning For Transformation – a study of the relationship between culture, values, experience and development practice in Cambodia by Moira O’Leary and Meas Nee (2001)
[4] Harmer A (1995), Rebuilding War Torn Societies: Psycho-Social Vulnerability and Coping Mechanisms in Cambodia, Phnom Penh.
[5] Herman J, (1992) Trauma and recovery: The aftermath of violence – from domestic violence to political terror; Basic Books USA.
[6] Walsh, Melanie (2007). "Report on the Status of Cambodian Women: Domestic violence, sexual assault, and trafficking for sexual exploitation." Project on Women's Rights in Cambodia: LICADHO – UQAM Partnership. Available online at: http://www.er.uqam.ca/nobel/ieim/IMG/pdf/Walsh_Cambodia_women.pdf
